[Home]History of Chinese historiography

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Revision 7 . . November 23, 2001 2:14 am by Chenyu
Revision 6 . . November 23, 2001 1:43 am by Chenyu
Revision 5 . . (edit) November 20, 2001 5:38 am by The Epopt
Revision 4 . . November 20, 2001 4:27 am by Chenyu
Revision 3 . . November 20, 2001 4:25 am by Chenyu
Revision 2 . . November 20, 2001 4:22 am by Chenyu
Revision 1 . . November 20, 2001 4:14 am by Chenyu
  

Difference (from prior major revision) (author diff)

Added: 34a35,42
Because of the strength of the Chinese Communist Party and the importance
of the Marxist interpretation of history in legitimizing its rule, it is
difficult for historians within the PRC to actively argue in favor of
non-Marxist and anti-Marxist interpretations of history. However, this
political restriction is less confining as it may first appear in that
the Marxist historical framework is surprisingly flexible, and a rather
simple matter to modify an alternative historical theory to use language
that at least does not challenge the Marxist interpretation of history.

Changed: 38c46,47
This view of Chinese history sees Chinese society in the 20th century as a traditional society seeking to become modern.
This view of Chinese history sees Chinese society in the 20th century as a traditional society seeking to become modern, usually with the implicit
assumption that Western society is the definition of modern society.

Changed: 40c49,73
John Fairbanks
This view of Chinese history has its roots with British views of the orient
of the early 19th century. In this viewpoint, the societies of India, China,
and the Middle East were societies with glorious pasts but that they have
become trapped in a static past. This view provided an implicit justification
of British colonialism with Britain assuming the "white man's burden" of
breaking these societies from their static past and bringing them into the
modern world.

By the mid 20th century, it was increasingly clear to historians that the
notion of "changeless China" was untenable. A new concept, popularized by
[John Fairbanks]? was the notion of "change within tradition" which argued
that although China did change in the pre-modern period but that this change
existed within certain cultural traditions.

There are a number of criticisms of the modernist critique. One centers
on the definition of "traditional society." The criticism is that the
idea of "traditional society" is simply a catch all term for early non-Western
society and implies that all such societies are similiar. To use an analogy,
one could classify all animals into "fish" and "non-fish" but that classification would be hardly useful, and would imply that spiders are similar to mountain goats.

The notion of "change within tradition" also been subject to criticism. The criticism is that the statement that "China has not changed fundamentally" is tautological, that one looks for things that haven't changed and then define those as fundamental. The trouble with doing this is that when one can do
this with anything that has lasted for an extended period of time resulting
in absurd statements such as "England has not changed fundamentally in the
past thousand years because the institution of the monarchy has existed
for this long."

Added: 52a86,92

European conflict interpretations focus on interaction with Europe as the
driving force behind recent Chinese history. There are two variants, one focuses on Europe as the driven force behind China's quest to modern, the other focuses on the effects of European colonialism.

One criticism of this view is that it ignores historical forces that do not involve Europe, such as indigineous economic forces. One example of a blind
spot which is provided by this viewpoint is the influence of central Asian
policies on interactions with Europe in the Qing dynasty.

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